This is the fascinating account of how the violent events which befell Hitler between 1889 and 1924 influenced his personal life and formed the basis for his of his worldview as set out in the pages of Mein Kampf. Drawing extensively on Hitler’s own biographical account from Mein Kampf coupled with a wide range of primary sources,
Stanley knits together reflections on history, philosophy, sociology, and critical race theory with stories from contemporary Hungary, Poland, India, Myanmar, and the United States, among other nations, making clear the immense dangers of language and beliefs that separate people into an “us” and a “them.” By uncovering disturbing patterns that are as prevalent today as ever.
Throughout his first administration, Trump did more than any other president to politicize the nation’s top law enforcement agency, pressuring appointees to shield him, to target his enemies, and even to help him cling to power after his 2020 election defeat. The department, pressed into a defensive crouch, has never fully recovered.
Carruthers, Bob Hitler's Mein Kampf - The Roots of Evil (The Third Reich from Original Sources) . Coda Books Ltd. Kindle Edition. x
Introduction
This is the book which I have wanted to write for the last thirty years. As an avid reader on the Third Reich I have never been able to find a volume which, for me, deals satisfactorily with the pan-German nationalist agenda on the formation of Hitler’s political outlook. For many years I have been of the opinion that the influence of German nationalism, his willingness to take risks and an innate love of violence for the sake of violence were the key factors which shaped Hitler’s weltanschauung (or world view). I have finally found the time to expand upon that view and in order to establish my proposition I have relied extensively on quotations from Hitler’s own version of events as published by him in the pages of Mein Kampf. I have relied upon the 1939 translation by James Murphy as published in the UK by Hutchison and Co Ltd as this was the officially sanctioned version during the Nazi era. Mein Kampf is routinely dismissed as unreadable and this was certainly the case in contemporary circles where many Nazi functionaries, including Göring, privately joked that they had never read the thing. Italian Fascist dictator and Nazi ally, Benito Mussolini, was famously critical, stating that the book was "…a boring tome that I have never been able to read." He also remarked that Hitler's beliefs, as expressed in the book, were "…little more than commonplace clichés." For students of history, politics and general readers with an interest in the period that is certainly not the case. While it is true that large sections of political exposition are rambling and turgid, they do nonetheless repay the reader with an insight into the workings of the mind of Adolf Hitler.
Stanley, Jason. How Fascism Works: The Politics of Us and Them (pp. 17-18). Random House Publishing Group. Kindle Edition.
Introduction
Growing up with parents who’d fled Europe as refugees, I was raised with stories of the heroic nation that helped defeat Hitler’s armies and usher in an unprecedented era of liberal democracy in the West. Near the end of his life, gravely ill with Parkinson’s disease, my father insisted on visiting the beaches of Normandy. Leaning on the shoulder of his wife, my stepmother, he fulfilled a lifelong dream, walking where so many brave American youth lost their lives in the battle against fascism. But even as my family celebrated and honored this American legacy, my parents also knew that American heroism and American ideas of freedom have never been just one thing. Before World War II, Charles Lindbergh typified American heroism with his daring flights, including the first solo transatlantic flight, and his celebration of new technology. He parlayed his fame and heroic stature into a leading role in the America First movement, which opposed America’s entrance into the war against Nazi Germany. In 1939, in an essay entitled “Aviation, Geography, and Race,” published in that most American of journals, Reader’s Digest, Lindbergh embraced something close to Nazism for America: It is time to turn from our quarrels and to build our White ramparts again. This alliance with foreign races means nothing but death to us. It is our turn to guard our heritage from Mongol and Persian and Moor, before we become engulfed in a limitless foreign sea. The year 1939 was also when my father, Manfred, then six years old, escaped Nazi Germany, leaving Tempelhof Airport in Berlin in July with his mother, Ilse, after spending months in hiding. He arrived in New York City on August 3, 1939, his ship sailing past the Statue of Liberty on its way to dock.
Leonnig, Carol; Davis, Aaron C. (2025-11-03T22:58:59.000). Injustice: How Politics and Fear Vanquished America's Justice Department . Penguin Publishing Group. Kindle Edition.
Introduction
For more than seventy years, the U.S. Department of Justice has each fall chosen a crop of outstanding law school graduates to join its ranks through a recruitment effort called the Attorney General’s Honors Program. The competition has long been intense, with the department recently welcoming only about one hundred of the several thousand who applied. Since the administration of President Dwight D. Eisenhower, the program has successfully mentored the next generation of lawyers to faithfully execute the department’s mission and come to personify its core values. That righteous mission is threefold: to enforce the laws of the country fairly and impartially, to keep the country safe from domestic or foreign threats, and to protect Americans’ rights as citizens, even from the actions of the government and the department itself. No federal agency more fully embodies the principles of American freedom and fairness. And no employees within the executive branch carry more responsibility than those of the Justice Department to uphold and defend the founding principles enshrined in the U.S. Constitution. The newly deployed recruits have often found their employer’s expectations inspiring—and daunting. They learn DOJ lawyers and agents have a duty to be fair and consistent in using the department’s immense powers to investigate and punish crimes, without regard for the wealth or clout of the suspect. They also must be painstakingly truthful, admitting any mistake and candidly sharing key facts they have gathered, including those that weaken their case and aid a suspect’s defense. Department veterans warn the prosecutors-in-training of Justice’s past failures to be transparent and impartial. Such violations risk undermining public confidence in the justice system, leading witnesses to refuse to cooperate, the guilty to escape consequences, and crime to rise. Supreme Court Justice George Sutherland captured that lofty charge in a 1935 opinion when he admonished an assistant.